Candidate Answers to JOLDC: Billy Freeland for City Council District 5

Candidate Name: Billy Freeland

Office Seeking Election for: City Council District 5

Explain, based on life experiences and accomplishments, why you believe you are best qualified to represent your district

My campaign for City Council is inspired and informed by my work with marginalized communities and progressive organizations that have been at the forefront of challenging the vast inequities and shortcomings of our political and economic system. Seeking and winning repairs in housing court on behalf of a NYCHA tenant, representing LGBTQ+ asylum seekers, challenging anti-LGBTQ+ Mississippi laws, delivering meals in our community, standing up for delivery cyclists and incarcerated people at Community Board meetings, advocating for progressive prosecutors — these are just a few of the experiences that have helped me appreciate the need to listen and respond to those who are most affected by unjust policies, and to engage with grassroots groups on a daily basis. 

For the past three years, I have been proud to be an appointee of the Borough President to serve on my local Community Board (including as a Secretary and Officer of the Board). This means spending 10-20 hours per month responding to and working with constituents and colleagues on issues ranging from bike lanes and bus lanes to affordable housing to bail reform. I have been particularly vocal on transportation issues and reimagining public space, and have championed and passed resolutions to expand protected bike lanes, open streets, pedestrianize part of the Queensboro Bridge, and create solutions that are climate-friendly, equitable, and progressive. I have co-chaired our Charter Revision Task Force, and have been particularly active in the Transportation Committee and the Health, Seniors, and Social Services Committee. I have long-standing relationships with other CB8 members and countless stakeholders who attend our meetings. 

Further, I’m a member of the Lexington Democratic Club, where I have been on the executive committee since 2019. I am also an Alternate Judicial Delegate and member of the New York County Democratic Committee. I am active in the Four Freedoms Democratic Club, where I am a co-chair of a recently formed Racial Justice Working Group. 

Taken together, my work in local politics and civic life has helped me form friendships and relationships with grassroots leaders, elected officials, and others who are deeply involved in our community. These relationships will ensure that I remain in constant contact with the individuals, communities, and organizations who are on the frontlines of the struggle for social, racial, climate, and economic justice.

Above all, I am qualified to represent District 5 because I love this neighborhood, and I want to ensure that the next generation of leadership is rooted in community, responsive to neighbors, and brings passion, energy, and creativity to our shared challenges. I understand the district--from Midtown East to East Harlem; from my block in Yorkville to the tranquil streets of Roosevelt Island. I am running to serve my neighbors--it would be an incredible honor.

Please identify any openly LGBTQ candidate for public office you have previously or presently endorsed?

I was a public and vocal supporter of Tiffany Cabán in her campaign for Queens District Attorney in 2019. I donated to her, canvassed voters for her, used my social media in support, and published a Daily News op-ed shortly before the election supporting her and explaining why she was the candidate for ending mass incarceration. I also supported Cynthia Nixon in her run for Governor, including by knocking doors. Other LGBTQ candidates I’ve supported in the past include Brad Hoylman, Corey Johnson, Mondaire Jones, and Sarah McBride, who recently became the first openly transgender state senator in American history. 

If applicable, what legislation directly affecting the LGBTQ community have you introduced or co-sponsored? (indicate accordingly)

N/A

What LGBTQ organizations have you been involved with, either on a volunteer basis or professionally?

Professionally, I have worked with organizations that represent LGBTQ+ asylum seekers (Immigration Equality) and I represented a gender nonconforming individual who fled persecution in Russia. I was also part of a legal team, led by Robbie Kaplan, which sued Mississippi over a damaging, anti-LGBTQ+ law that essentially allowed individuals and businesses to use religious beliefs as a reason to deny services to LGBTQ+ people. I have also represented a transgender individual in a name-change case. Additionally, I have made contributions to and attended events of both Jim Owles and the Stonewall Democratic Club.

Do you consider yourself a member of the LGBTQ community?

Yes, I am bisexual. 

Have you marched in Pride? Which marches and for approximately how many years?

Yes. I have marched in NYC Pride since 2010 or 2011, unless I was out of town or on vacation. I also marched in the Queer Liberation March in June 2020. 

Have you employed openly LGBTQ individuals previously? Do you employ any currently?

While I am not the CEO of our family’s small business (I am general counsel), we do have many LGBTQ employees.  

What press conferences, demonstrations, rallies and protests in support of LGBT issues, pro-choice legislation, criminal justice issues and the Resist Trump Movement have you attended?

I’ve attended marches such as the Queer Liberation March this year, which focused on racial injustice in the wake of the murder of George Floyd. I’ve attended rallies in support of an elected Civilian Complaint Review Board, vigils and marches in support of Black Lives Matter and ending systemic racism, and anti-Trump marches such as the Women’s March. I have been a vocal supporter, including at demonstrations, of LGBTQ+ rights, pro-choice laws such as the recently passed Reproductive Health Act, and more. I also organized a Community Board 8 event in support of, and to educate the community about, bail reform. That event included a formerly incarcerated man, Marvin Mayfield, who is one of my heroes in the criminal justice movement. My campaign kickoff event included a supervising attorney from the Bronx Defenders who spoke specifically about not just criminal justice reform but decarceration, too. 

Have you ever been arrested? If so please explain why and outcome of arrest.

No, I have not. Sorry, Allen. 

Do you commit to visiting constituents who are incarcerated in state prisons and city jails?

Absolutely. As a member of City Council, I will have the responsibility of representing all constituents of District 5, not just those who are traditionally able to participate in politics. I am incredibly passionate about reforming our City’s criminal legal system and would be remiss if I did not include in my reforms the needs of constituents who are currently incarcerated. I am committed to visiting constituents who are incarcerated, working collaboratively to achieve a truly decarceral justice system. 

Will you affirmatively seek to hire formerly incarcerated individuals?

Yes! One cannot believe in restorative justice and decarceration without being enthusiastic about hiring formerly incarcerated individuals. If society does not give people a second chance or invest in reintegration, we will perpetuate the cycle of incarceration that has so broken our country. I vigorously support the Ban the Box campaign, too; we should not be asking job applicants if they have a criminal record. I also would like to see our criminal justice system do much more to help incarcerated people reintegrate into society -- that means letting them keep the right to vote, providing education and skills training, and ensuring those who are released from jail or prison are able to easily access housing, health care, transportation, and banking. 

Describe your legislative and policy vision for combating systemic racism?

Our City and nation are facing an overdue reckoning in response to 400+ years of systemic anti-Black racism and the continued unmitigated murder of Black, Brown, and immigrant bodies at the hands of law enforcement. The current social justice struggle is not about changing the minds of racists in power. That is grossly ineffective. It is instead about rooting out the racism in the system that attracts and rewards racist mindsets. Vague platitudes from our elected officials about change are unacceptable.  

My campaign is defined and driven by detailed, comprehensive policy proposals that center racial equity and are informed by the work of activist groups and subject-matter experts. As a council member, I will prioritize equity in the development and consideration of policy; hold real space at the table for voices with lived experience; and act decisively when the civil rights of any New Yorker are under threat. I’ll lift up and prioritize funding opportunities for community-based organizations that serve Black, Latinx, and immigrant community members. I’ll form a youth-led BIPOC Social Justice Council made up of diverse youth from Council District 5 to identify and respond to needs affecting the district and the city as a whole. I’ll work with community advocates to ensure that new policy considerations are undertaken through an equity lens so that the system does not continue to advantage some while oppressing many, support the unionization of Council staff, ensure my staff reflect the diversity of our City, and commit to a workplace that fosters and advances racial equity.

We haven’t had leadership in City government that thinks comprehensively about our challenges; instead, we go from one crisis to the next. We operate reactively rather than proactively. It’s far too late to stop racial, social, economic, and climate injustice from harming so many New Yorkers, but our elected leaders -- who are chosen and paid by our City’s residents to protect them -- have a mandate to take meaningful action to stop it from harming more.

As we look towards recovering from the devastating impacts of COVID-19, it is imperative that local policy centers the needs and challenges of Black, Brown, and immigrant communities. That means acknowledging our public housing system has thus far been used as a tool for segregation rather than as a community asset -- and actively investing in the people who live there. That means creating good-paying green jobs with equitable hiring practices and fair wages. It means connecting all the boroughs to Manhattan’s Central Business District via efficient sustainable transportation that makes it easier for people living in the Bronx, Brooklyn, and Queens to get to work. It means prioritizing green space, clean air, clean energy, resiliency, food justice, and sanitation in the neighborhoods that need it most.

As a Council Member, I will put action behind these words by prioritizing equity in the development and consideration of policy; by holding real space at the table for voices of lived experience; and to act decisively when the civil rights of any New Yorker are under threat.

This includes:

• Acknowledging and working to combat the historical injustices and racist practices that have repeatedly caused unhealthy levels of air pollution, food deserts, lack of access to care, and other challenges for communities of color across our City, leading to poor health outcomes and premature mortality.

• Lifting up and prioritizing funding opportunities for community-based organizations that serve Black, Latinx, and immigrant community members.

• Forming a youth-led BIPOC Social Justice Council made up of diverse youth from Council District 5 to identify and respond to needs affecting the district and the city as a whole.

• Working with community advocates to ensure that new policy considerations are undertaken through an equity lens so that the system does not continue to advantage some while oppressing many.

• Promoting racial diversity on Community Boards and directly reaching out to communities of color to encourage a more diverse pool of applicants for Community Board seats.

• Supporting legislation to create a “Chief Diversity Officer” and to require city agencies, including Community Boards, to account for and rectify racial inequities.

• Supporting efforts to desegregate schools and housing -- including by fighting to integrate my school district, perhaps by following the model of District 15 in Brooklyn.

• Support the unionization of Council staff.

• Implementing equitable hiring strategies to ensure that my staff reflect the diversity of New York City.

• Committing to a workplace that fosters and advances racial equity.

• Personally committing to a lifetime of learning and transformation.

I am committed to being a full partner in this fight for the preservation of all Black lives, and to working hand-in-hand with experts and advocates to reverse the conditions that allow systemic racism to flourish. 

Will you not seek, and refuse, the endorsement of Bill de Blasio?

Absolutely. Around the world, NYC is seen as the epitome of progressive values, boasting a culture of open-mindedness and acceptance; however, policy and lawmakers in the City too often make superficial reforms that have the semblance of progressivism but fail to address systemic issues that perpetuate historical injustices. This is the case with de Blasio. For example, de Blasio limited the use of stop-and-frisk but stymied the process to cut the NYPD budget over the summer. He promoted universal pre-K but didn’t address the fact that the childcare crisis is a product of unfair labor laws that hurt working families. Ultimately, I want to be associated with a leader who shares my passion, creativity, and motivation to respond to rising inequality with big, bold ideas. Considering the slew of progressive mayoral candidates who are championing truly progressive reforms, de Blasio’s policies seem piecemeal and ineffective. For these reasons, I will neither seek nor accept the endorsement of Mayor de Blasio.

In view of the fact that Ed Koch has been documented to have caused the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people with AIDS, and was blatantly racist, would you support and sponsor a bill to rename the former Queensboro Bridge?

I would support such a bill. I think we should revisit the Koch legacy -- I think our city and country have developed a better understanding of systemic racism and injustice in recent years, and therefore would be willing to have a reckoning with Koch’s tenure and his record on race and AIDS. I also think the corruption scandals of his tenure warrant this revisiting. I would be willing to co-sponsor a bill but would want to see if the lead sponsor would be someone who is either a person of color or was present during our failure to act on AIDS in the 1980s. 

What is your position on removing the Christopher Columbus statue in Columbus Circle and if so, what should replace it?

I support removing the statue and generally moving away from symbols of colonial oppression. The process of replacing it should involve affected, marginalized communities, particularly indigenous ones. An indigenous person certainly would make sense, but perhaps an Italian-American such as Mayor La Guardia could be honored. Other possibilities that intrigue me are James Baldwin (he lived on the Upper West Side, and Columbus Circle is somewhat of a gateway to that neighborhood); Barack Obama (how that would annoy Trump right in front of one of his buildings!); Shirley Chisholm (Chisholm Circle has a nice ring to it); or Billie Holiday (who I think also once lived on the Upper West Side).                                                                                                              

Will you refuse contributions from real estate developers and all law enforcement unions or associations?

Yes. I set myself apart from the other candidates by committing to truly progressive values and refusing contributions from individuals, organizations, unions, or associations that don’t align with my vision for a more equitable city. For these reasons, from day one of this campaign, I pledged to reject all donations from real estate developers, police PACs, corporate PACs, and fossil fuel companies-- and I’m the only candidate in my race so far rejecting donations from lobbyists. I have even returned donations (in-district donations, to boot) from real estate developers and lobbyists. 

Do you support reducing the budget of the NYPD and if so, by how much?

Yes. Our approach to public safety can be summed up in one timeless cliché: when all you have is a hammer, everything looks like a nail. The NYPD has been our public safety hammer, and it is a blunt and costly force. I believe we can dramatically reduce the budget and size of the NYPD by shifting functions into other departments that are likely to be less costly. This includes returning traffic enforcement to the Department of Transportation, removing police officers from schools, and taking the NYPD entirely out of mental health calls, except as a last resort. City Council should reallocate funding away from the police to reduce officer/citizen interactions and spend our social services dollars more efficiently and ethically.

While the City’s population has stagnated, the NYPD budget has grown by 18% in the past five years. In FY20, the NYPD budgeted $313 million to monitor schools, $245 million to monitor transit, $11.4 million to monitor homeless shelters, and $149 million to monitor large gatherings, like protests and parades.

Police are providing important social services with this funding, but interactions with students and those experiencing homelessness or mental illness do not require specialized police training; instead, they require specialized non-police training. Police training is also not necessary to patrol transit or conduct traffic enforcement. Funding for the services, along with funds made available through general cuts, should be reallocated to the most relevant specialized agency (DOE, DHS, MTA, and DOT, respectively).

The City’s over-policing problem becomes particularly obvious when we consider overtime pay. Overtime pay costs the NYPD hundreds of million dollars per year, totaling $635 million in FY2020. That’s 44% of all overtime spending Citywide. According to the Policing and Social Justice Project, by significantly reducing overtime hours, freezing hiring and discretionary promotions, and canceling new officer classes, the City could have saved at least $170 million in FY2020.  Further, the “cuts” made to overtime spending for FY2021 are unrealistic and temporary; they should have been accompanied by a concrete, recurring plan to actually reduce overtime hours, because history shows the NYPD frequently exceeds its overtime budget.

Throughout our history, the City has prioritized policing -- punitively reacting to crime or unrest once it happens -- over the provision of other services that can empower the community and prevent the conditions that lead to crime and unrest in the first place. This pandemic has laid bare the need for a stronger social safety net. But right now, our City is spending more on policing than on health, homeless services, youth development, and workforce development combined. It is unjustifiable to spend so much money on policing while the City makes draconian cuts to youth employment, education, social workers, mental health professionals, addiction support, crisis response workers, violence intervention, public transit, and other people and programs that contribute meaningfully to our public safety and well-being. Mitigating the effects of climate change, eliminating reliance on fossil fuels, fortifying our hospitals, improving our public education system, and building high-quality public housing will be expensive -- and cutting back on the NYPD can help us pay for it.

The NYPD is the largest and most expensive police department in the United States, and there is very little transparency in how the department spends its billions of dollars each year. That lack of transparency makes it more difficult to make informed budget decisions. To that end, I support immediately requiring that the police department itemize its spending by program area and be honest with the City Council, and the public, about how exactly it spends its money so the City government can maximize efficiency in the budget.

The cuts made this summer were mostly smoke and mirrors; they do not take enough concrete steps to fundamentally change the NYPD, especially when we consider that other agencies (like the Department of Youth and Community Development) faced larger proportional cuts. The mayor’s verbal promises to transfer school safety officers, crossing guards, and homeless outreach providers out of the NYPD mean little with no evidence of that actually happening. Eliminating only one class of new officers is insignificant compared to a true hiring freeze to address overstaffing through attrition. And it’s fairly certain that little progress has been made towards radically changing our City’s relationship with police. Moving money around will only make a difference when the City government truly commits to making that change. 

Ultimately, I support eliminating $1.1 billion from the NYPD budget over the course of the next four years, a proposal that has been championed by Comptroller Stringer. To achieve this, the City must reduce officer headcount through attrition by implementing a hiring freeze for FY21. Given a 3% attrition rate, this would reduce the size of the police force down to 35,000. Further, the City budgets $519.6 million in overtime pay for officers. The City should cut overtime by 5%, which is estimated to save the City $26 million per year. Finally, we should limit Other than Personnel Services (OTPS) such as computer services, vehicle repairs, and service contracts. A 4% reduction in OTPS spending could save the City $17 million annually. These cuts in addition to removing the NYPD from the social service sector will save the City approximately $265 million a year.

How would you have voted on the FY21 City Budget?

I would have voted “No” on the 2021 budget. I have several criticisms of that budget, including that it failed to make genuine reductions of $1 billion in the NYPD budget, which has ballooned out of all proportion to the department’s needs. The NYPD did not make any meaningful changes to the number of officers in the NYPD but relied on budgetary sleight of hand, such as moving school safety officers under the auspices of the DOE instead of eliminating in-school officers altogether. 

Further, the FY21 budget did little to increase our city’s public health capacity, such as expanding access to healthcare, streamlining the COVID-19 testing process, or creating a NYC Public Health Corps to enforce social distancing. The budget also failed to make meaningful changes for workers, like implementing the measures outlined in the Essential Workers Bill of Rights. I also do not support the $1 billion labor savings, which would terminate 22,000 municipal workers. Instead, the City should limit the city workforce through attrition. About 20,000 City employees leave each year, and the City could limit efforts to fill these vacant positions instead of laying off thousands of workers. 

Are you in favor of removing police from any of the following? a) Schools; b) Mental health response calls; c) Homeless outreach and social services; or d) Traffic enforcement.

Yes to all, and we have been campaigning on doing exactly that. Police are ostensibly providing critical social services, but interactions with students and those experiencing homelessness or mental illness do not require specialized police training; instead, they require specialized non-police training. I support removing the NYPD from schools, mental health calls, homeless outreach, and traffic enforcement. 

1. Schools

NYC deploys 5,000 officers to patrol the 1.1 million school students, about 2,000 more officers than the City of Dallas has to patrol its 1.3 million residents. At the same time, 240,000 NYC students reported having police in their school but no psychologist, school nurse, guidance counselor, or social worker. Students who look for support are more likely to encounter the police, who might escalate the situation, instead of a professional who can provide the resources necessary to properly address the issue. The DOE employs 285 social workers at a cost of $30 million per year. The City spends $350 million annually to maintain the in-school police force. These numbers represent not only an over-policing problem in NYC but an emphasis on juvenile discipline as opposed to implementing restorative justice and creating safe and supportive learning environments. I will leverage the City Council’s budget authority to allocate funds away from the in-school police budget and towards the development and implementation of programs that support the socio-emotional growth of all NYC students.

Eliminating police officers from schools is a crucial step in ending the school-to-prison pipeline. Investments in policing must be supplanted by investments in restorative justice programs and the hiring of support staff such as guidance counselors, nurses, social workers, and psychologists. These programs will ensure students have the resources necessary for academic success, leading to a higher graduation rate and a generation of employable individuals who will contribute to NYC’s economy. In addition to removing police from schools, I will fight to reform disciplinary codes, taking steps to abolish out-of-school suspensions and limit expulsions, in-school arrests, and mandatory school transfers. 

2. Mental health response calls

Efforts to better train the NYPD to respond to mental health calls have failed. Since 2015, 16 people with mental health concerns have had lethal encounters with the police, 14 of whom were people of color. We need a new approach, proposed by the CCIT-NYC coalition, in which mental health calls are responded to by mental health counselors and emergency medical technicians. This approach is modeled off of a proposal that has worked successfully in Eugene, Oregon, where non-police response teams responded to 24,000 calls in 2019 - 20 percent of the number of calls that went to the police. In fewer than one percent of those calls, police were brought in as backup. I will improve and make permanent de Blasio’s “Mental Health Teams” pilot program by limiting the circumstances in which an EMT can request for NYPD presence and ensuring that individuals are connected with community resources if discharged from a hospital. As part of the Mental Health Team, I will also include peer workers, individuals who share the lived experience of having a psychiatric disorder or addiction. After completing necessary training and certification, peer workers can serve as coaches, mentors, or advocates during mental health emergencies. I will also fight to increase wages and expand PTSD counseling for EMTs who are dispatched on mental health calls. 

Although implementing a Care Response Team will significantly reduce the number of confrontations between the NYPD and persons with mental illness or substance abuse disorders, we need a plan for the inevitable circumstances where police will encounter individuals with mental illness, such as during patrol or when responding to a call are marked as non-mental health-related. It is critical that officers have the training and resources to respond appropriately. The initial encounter between an NYPD officer and individuals with serious mental illness is the most effective point of intervention to avoid unnecessary arrest and incarceration. I believe we need a Police-Mental Health Linkage System that aims to make police officers more aware of alternatives to arrest, such as diversion centers, mental health hotlines, crisis stabilization services, and other community-based resources. When an officer conducts a routine background check during an encounter, they will be notified of the individual’s mental health status. The officer can then call for a linkage specialist—a certified mental health provider—who will assist the officer in considering alternative responses to the situation. Researchers anticipate that implementing a Police-Mental Health Linkage System will decrease arrests, reduce the use of force in encounters with people who have a mental illness, and reduce repeat mental health-related encounters with law enforcement. With all of this being said, I nevertheless believe we must endeavor to reduce to zero the number of police interactions with individuals with mental illness. The Eugene, Oregon model has reduced these interactions to one percent of mental health calls, and New York City can and must do the same, or better.

3. Homeless Outreach

We must rethink the way City officials interact with New Yorkers experiencing homelessness, especially those who lack reliable shelter. Unhoused people often have other needs, especially when it comes to persistent mental illness, which can be both a cause and consequence of homelessness. By deploying trained social workers rather than NYPD officers to offer services to the unsheltered, we can decriminalize homelessness and increase the likelihood that people gain access to services they need. We also must prioritize “wrap-around” services, which means incentivizing the hiring of more social workers and case managers across the board. Often, these essential workers are overburdened, and I will work to ensure case managers in community nonprofits or city agencies are responsible for more than 30 cases at any given time.

4. Traffic enforcement

Removing police from traffic enforcement will not only lead to safer streets and roads but will limit interactions between police and Black and Brown individuals, who are disproportionately victims of police brutality. Too many innocent individuals have been killed by police during traffic stops, and if police continue to enforce traffic laws at their own discretion, we put Black and Brown motorists at risk. Other officials such as Letitia James have advocated for modest reforms to routine traffic stops, outlining definitive behaviors that are acceptable or prohibited by law enforcement during these encounters. Conversely, I believe the City should return traffic enforcement to the Department of transportation. The City should also invest more in infrastructure to make our streets safer, such as road signs, speed bumps, and automated enforcement mechanisms including bus lane, red-light, and speed cameras. These measures will deter reckless driving without risking the use of excessive force by law enforcement. 

Should the NYPD Vice Squad be eliminated?

Yes, and I have said so publicly. The NYPD Vice Squad responds to issues regarding sex work, internet crimes against children, and human trafficking. ProPublica reports that many of the Vice Squad’s undercover operations have yielded little success, failing to thoroughly investigate traffickers or address community concerns over prostitution. ProPublica also reports breathtaking misconduct within the Vice Squad, seemingly to no end other than destroying the lives of almost exclusively Black and Brown New Yorkers. The Vice Squads’ inefficacy coupled with its massive budget makes it a prime example of NYPD units that can be eliminated in favor of larger investments in community-based social services. What’s even more concerning, the Department of Justice has been called upon to investigate numerous allegations that Vice Squad officers are assaulting sex workers. We cannot allow city dollars to continue funding police misconduct, and as a Council Member, I will be a vocal supporter of eliminating the Vice Squad. 

Should Dermot Shea be fired immediately?

Yes. The primary function of the NYPD commissioner is to carry out the department’s central mission: to improve the quality of life and create a safe environment for all New Yorkers. Dermot Shea does just the opposite. In the past few months alone, Shea failed to enforce mask-wearing among officers, allowed the use of excessive force against protesters during Black Lives Matter protests, and spoke out against the Council’s bill to ban chokeholds. Our city’s residents do not deserve a commissioner who continually flouts our basic freedoms and refuses to prioritize the safety and wellbeing of New Yorkers. Shea also blamed a recent citywide uptick in crime on criminal justice reforms and measures that were put in place to combat police brutality. Many communities of color see these reforms as a matter of life and death, a small barrier between them and the unjustified murders and disproportionate incarceration of Black and Brown individuals. We cannot afford to have an NYPD commissioner who thwarts efforts to achieve a racially-just and actively decarceral criminal legal system. As a member of City Council, I will do what I’ve done as a private citizen: call for the immediate termination of Dermot Shea. 

Should the NYPD Commissioner require confirmation by the City Council?

Yes, the NYPD Commissioner should be nominated by the Mayor and confirmed by the City Council. With 36,000 officers, 19,000 city employees, and a $5.6 billion FY20 budget, I think New Yorkers deserve to have a say, through their elected representatives, in who gets to take on the massive responsibility of managing the NYPD. As Council Members serve as the voice of their constituents, requiring confirmation by the City Council is one step the City can take to allow New Yorkers to choose their police commissioner. 

How would you recommend police officers be penalized for refusing to wear masks in public while on duty, in defiance of city and state rules?

The NYPD’s objective is to protect the safety and wellbeing of New Yorkers. When officers refuse to wear masks on duty, they contradict their own mission by increasing the risk of contracting and spreading COVID-19. Time and time again, we see NYPD officers acting above the law, refusing to abide by the same standards as all other citizens. Just as New Yorkers are banned from entering businesses without a mask, the NYPD should not be allowed to patrol our streets without masks. I believe officers who refuse to comply with the mask mandate should face a temporary suspension until they are able to fully commit to making this City as safe as possible, starting with leading by example.

What reforms would you make to the Civilian Complaint Review Board? Would you support state legislation to make CCRB disciplinary determinations binding?

Strengthening the powers of the CCRB is one of the most salient ways to increase public oversight of the NYPD and ensure officers are held accountable to the community. Due to a diminishing budget and limited authority, the CCRB has little leeway in holding officers liable for misconduct. The CCRB also lacks trust with the community because they don’t have the power to make binding decisions. As a crucial player in the fight to increase police accountability, I believe that the CCRB’s disciplinary determinations must be binding, and I will support legislation that legitimizes this authority. I also support the reforms outlined by the NYC Campaign for an Elected Civilian Review Board, and I believe that the CCRB should:

1. Be elected by neighborhoods, not solely appointed by the Mayor, City Council, and NYPD Commissioner

2. Speak on behalf of communities that are affected by police brutality, not favor the NYPD due to long-standing relationships with the establishment

3. Be given subpoena power, and the ability to investigate, discipline, or retrain police officers

4. Be held accountable to the local community by establishing local offices and regular meetings, and subjecting CCRB members to voter recall if they do not fulfill the demands of the position

5. Limit collaboration with the D.A. in order to perform the unbiased prosecution of officers accused of misconduct.

What is your position on the plan to close Rikers and create four borough-based jails?

We must close Rikers, but I think the borough-based jails are a mistake. I am running for Council with a vision for a more just, equitable City. A fundamental part of that vision is transforming our justice system into one that is actively decarceral. In service of that mission, I’m in favor of closing Rikers and against building new jails. I believe we must fundamentally change the way our police department and City government view incarceration. We cannot wait for state legislative changes to reduce the number of people incarcerated in our City. 

If we take a close look at who is in jail and why, we can see that most people incarcerated in the City don’t need to be there. About two-thirds of the city’s jail population is awaiting trial, most with cash bail. About 20% of the jail population is people incarcerated on parole violations, and 12% are serving minor sentences under a year. Our current pretrial detention process is racist and flies in the face of the Constitutionally-guaranteed presumption of innocence and due process. Likewise, our current bail system — ostensibly intended to guarantee that people show up for trial — is also racist.  Black and Brown people disproportionately remain detained in prison because they cannot afford to pay their bail. Changing these two systems would not only reduce the excessive harm done to our communities of color, it would also drastically reduce the City’s jail population and make refusing to construct new jails a feasible policy goal. 

I will stand for an explicit promise that Rikers Island will be completely closed by 2027, with no further delays, no matter what. I will support policies that completely eliminate the overuse of pretrial detention above what is mandated by law, create a bail voucher program to interrupt the massive extraction of wealth from communities of color, and release people detained pretrial for non-Class A felonies. The pandemic has demonstrated that we do not need to have massive population of people held pretrial, which makes up 75% of those in jail (the remaining 25% are being held for less than a year for misdemeanors). Instead of spending $925 per night to incarcerate someone -- a jaw-dropping $377,000 per year -- we could be investing a social services, mental health treatment, housing, and alternatives to incarceration.

These initiatives will contribute to shrinking the footprint of our criminal justice system until our City doesn’t need incarceration. They will help reorient our system around decarceral principles; help turn incarceration into a “limited commodity rather than a standard response.” But envisioning a world where incarceration is unnecessary also means envisioning a world that benefits from years of targeted, focused investment in communities, so we need to start today. I believe that we should repurpose the money budgeted for the four borough-based jails. The money should be used in part to create humane conditions in the already-existing borough-based jails. At the same time, the City should allocate $260 million per year for the next decade for healthcare, housing, education, and other resources that help communities thrive. While this process will take several years, these measures should be implemented as soon as possible.

Will you advocate for the Governor to review sentences of incarcerated individuals over the age 55 who have served in excess of 15 years to determine if they warrant release?

Absolutely. I will urge the state legislature to pass NY State Senate Bill S2144, which will expand parole eligibility for inmates over 55, who served at least 15 years, and do not pose a significant threat to public safety. This is a huge priority for me. I have represented an individual seeking clemency at the federal level, and I have seen first-hand how unnecessarily long many sentences are. Couple this with the research that indicates people “age out of crime,” plus the general empathy and sense of decency we should have, and this is a no-brainer. I will be a passionate, unflagging proponent of this at a minimum.

It’s common knowledge that New York City’s 311 system is not adequately responsive to the public’s concerns. How would you alter the 311 system to combat these problems?

The City has failed to expand the 311 call center infrastructure to support the increasing number of complaints and requests, which has risen every year since 2012. Many New Yorkers face a language barrier when they call 311. Although callers have the options to choose from 6 non-English languages at the beginning of their call, they are then connected with an English-speaking operator who is unaware of the caller’s language preference. The caller must communicate their language preference again to the operator, who will connect them to a translator. This process requires callers to know enough English to request a translator, which is not the reality for many New Yorkers. To make this process more efficient for non-English speakers, I support Intro. 1328, which would require 311 to develop a new method for accommodating language preference, and would track all calls dropped due to language barriers. 

Further, in District 5, homelessness is the top issue reported to 311; however, the 311 mobile app does not allow individuals to report the specific location of a person experiencing homelessness and instead refers to the closest address. I support updating the 311 technological interfaces to make it more user friendly and easier to submit detailed requests for support. 

Do you support decriminalizing sex work? Will you pledge to oppose the Nordic model?

Sex work should be decriminalized, both because sex work is legitimate work and because laws surrounding sex workers are often enforced in a discriminatory way. I successfully represented a client charged under New York’s “Walking While Trans” law, which has been overwhelmingly used to target women of color. This law has been called “Stop and Frisk 2.0,” and of the people arrested under the law in 2018, 49% were Black and 42% were Latinx. It is long past time to repeal this discriminatory law that subjects sex workers to arrest and has been used to target transgender people, particularly transgender women of color. 

Although the Nordic model criminalizes the purchase of sex as opposed to its provision, it still perpetuates a moral objection to sex work that hurts workers within the industry. One major issue with the Nordic model is that it conflates all sex work with exploitation and trafficking, assuming that sex workers can’t give consent. Additionally, the Nordic model views sex work as a commodity, not a service. When workers agree to provide a service to clients, it does not mean they agree to subservience or grant ownership of their bodies to the client. Earning a living from sex work does not detract from one’s humanity. To view sex work as a transfer of commodities and ownership, and then to criminalize this transaction, is not only reductive but dehumanizing to sex workers. Finally, the Nordic model further pushes sex work underground and does not relieve sex workers of the risks they face -- both from policing (which will continue even if there is partial decriminalization) and also from clients who could become threatening or violent. 

Do you oppose school screening, which exacerbates segregation? Which screens in your school district(s) will you advocate to abolish?

New York City’s public schools are among the most segregated in the nation. Nearly half of the City’s 1,842 public schools are not representative of the communities they serve. Two-thirds of Black and Latinx students attend schools where the student population is more than 80% Black and Latinx. These numbers are not emblematic of an educational system that values equitable access to opportunity.

One of our City’s biggest impediments to achieving integration in schools is academic screening for middle and high school entrance, which entrenches educational stratification in NYC by sorting students largely according to privilege. Academic screening siphons off the most advantaged students into high-performing schools, making it difficult to achieve academic heterogeneity and diversity. Research shows that separating students by ability fosters a negative learning environment, particularly for under-performing students. Additionally, test scores have a proven correlation with race and socioeconomic class, and to use a screening method predicated on privilege hurts our most vulnerable students. In place of academic screening, I will implement an integration initiative, in which families are free to apply to their top choice schools and admissions are decided by lottery; more than half of all spots will be reserved for prioritized groups such as low-income, English language-learner, academically challenged, or homeless students. A similar integration model that was implemented in School District 15 succeeded in bringing the enrolled student population closer to the district average in terms of race and economic status. Even the most sought-after school in the district allocated 55% of all admission offers to prioritized groups. Our school district is one of the most advantaged in the City, and therefore must be central to desegregation efforts. As a member of City Council, I will fight to ensure the educational opportunity in District 5 is equitably distributed and accessible to all students.

Describe what reforms you would make to the control of the NYC public school system.

I support strengthening City Council’s power to provide checks and balances over the City’s Department of Education. Currently, DOE’s primary decision-making body is the Panel for Education Policy, which consists of 15 appointees, nine of whom are chosen by the mayor and subject to mayoral removal. The schools Chancellor, also chosen by the mayor, serves as an ex-officio non-voting member of the PEP. While I believe there is value in DOE’s close cooperation with our City’s mayor, the mayor exerts undue influence under the current structure, which incentivizes PEP to function mainly as a “rubber-stamp” board that rarely contradicts the mayor’s views. 

I believe that every child should receive a quality public education that empowers them to succeed, regardless of their socioeconomic background or neighborhood, and as a Council member, I will prioritize equity, diversity, integration, and equal opportunity in our City’s public schools. To that end, I do not believe that directly electing a Board of Education is the best way to achieve equity in funding and classroom opportunities; I fear that school board elections will see low turnout and results that represent the loudest voices at the expense of the needs of parents and children without the privilege or capacity to participate. The pressures of electoral politics may make it difficult to shift resources towards the neediest schools. 

Rather, I will support changes that provide City Council with a legitimate and significant measure of influence over the PEP. This could include shifting the power of appointment for some PEP seats away from the mayor and towards borough presidents or Community Education Councils as well as establishing set terms for Panel appointees and ensuring they cannot be fired at will by the mayor.  I also believe that we must modify the power structure so that, within reason and with the consent of experts, DOE is subject to laws passed by City Council. In the past, DOE has refused to comply with the Dignity for All Schools Act (after Council overrode Mayor Bloomberg’s veto) and refused to support students’ right to carry cell phones in school until Bloomberg left office. More recently, Council has pushed for DOE to inform parents about their ability to opt out of state standardized testing under the Parent Bill of Rights. The Council should have checks and balances over DOE policies, as they do with other City agencies. I also support measures that will allow for more parent and teacher influence in the system as a whole, including increasing the authority of School Leadership Teams to select principals and make decisions about individual school budgets.

While this is not an exhaustive list of the reforms I would like to see in our City’s public schools, I believe that changes to DOE’s governance structure will allow us to move away from outdated overreliance on standardized testing, help distribute state and federal education funding more equitably to uplift the students who most need it, and start making real progress towards meaningful integration and culturally relevant education. 

Do you support public funding of abortion?

Yes. By passing the 2019 Reproductive Health Act, New York codified the right to choose in state law. I support the Reproductive Health Act and believe women’s reproductive health services, including abortion services, are an integral part of comprehensive healthcare. Abortion care is healthcare. To this end, I agree with Council’s decision to continue funding the New York Abortion Access Fund, which allows low-income women to access abortion care in accordance with their rights guaranteed by state law. 

The politicization of abortion-related care, in addition to creating barriers to abortion, also creates barriers to accessing other reproductive health services, like cancer screenings and contraceptives. Reproductive healthcare facilities often serve as the primary point of care for women of color and immigrant, undocumented or uninsured women. They provide essential services and can connect underserved women and girls to more comprehensive primary care. I will fight to ensure that New York City continues to lead the nation in protecting and expanding access to critical reproductive healthcare. 

Do you support the creation of safe consumption sites? Would you support the use of NYC DOHMH authority to establish SCSs without NYSDOH authorization?

Yes. Part of ending the racist, failed war on drugs is harm reduction, saving lives, connecting people to resources and services, and reducing the stigma of, and treating, addiction. In 2019, drug overdose took the lives of nearly 3,000 individuals in New York State. Supervised consumption is proven to prevent drug overdoses, limit outdoor drug use, and provide health care services to individuals battling substance abuse.  I will support the construction of safe consumption sites and safeguard the critical services they provide, such as case management, medical healthcare, and mental health services. I will also push for adequate funding to ensure safe consumption site staff are equipped with sufficient supplies, such as the life-saving overdose antidote Naloxone. I will pressure state officials, from the Governor to NYSDOH, to authorize these sites. I am familiar with the merits of the argument, and the litigation over these sites, and that understanding and expertise can meaningfully add to the larger conversation. Finally, federal courts (recently a U.S. District Court Judge in Philadelphia) have determined that these sites do not violate federal law, and I therefore believe we can proceed. 

Do you smoke or otherwise consume weed?

I do not, but I fully support legalizing marijuana and ensuring that the economic benefits and opportunities go toward communities that have historically been overpoliced and deeply harmed by the racist, failed war on drugs. 

Have you ever supported any of the members of the IDC? If so, who? What did you do to help defeat the IDC in 2018?

I have never supported any member of the IDC. To help defeat the IDC, I made donations to challengers, and I campaigned for several candidates, including Zellnor Myrie and Jessica Ramos. I also campaigned for Julia Salazar in her campaign against Senator Dilan (who received IDC money in the past) and Andrew Gounardes, who defeated a Republican Senator in Brooklyn.

What will you do to support nightlife in NYC?

The pandemic is wreaking enormous financial burdens for workers and industries within NYC’s nightlife culture, including artists, performing arts venues, concert halls, bars, comedy clubs, restaurants, and more. In addition to the small business protections I outline in question 51, I will support measures that directly benefit restaurant and bar owners. This means opening up city streets to accommodate outdoor dining. Council Member Ben Kallos of District 5 advocated opening numerous blocks in and around District 5, including:

• Second Avenue from 49th to 53rd Street, 55th to 58th Street, 66th to 70th Street, 73rd to 79th Street, and 81st to 92nd Street.

• First Avenue from 49th to East 64th Street, 68th Street to 69th Street, 73rd to 78th Street, 81st to 84th Street, and 87th to 89th Street.

• York Avenue from 75th to 79th Street and 84th to 86th Street.

I intend to continue Kallos’ advocacy and will ensure that our city’s food and drinks establishments have access to the outdoor space needed to continue operating business. 

Additionally, many of our City’s small and mid-sized performance venues have been hurt by severely curtailed budgets and reduced staffing. Although many larger cultural institutions face similar hardships, they have the safety net of expansive donor bases and large endowments. As all in-person performances have been canceled, these spaces are losing months of revenue with limited public assistance. For example, it is estimated that New York City’s small and mid-sized performance venues have lost up to 50% of their annual operating budgets as of April 2020. These losses have a devastating impact on our City’s workers and artists. The Tenement Museum in Manhattan had 67 paid staff members before the pandemic; currently, the museum is down to 15 paid employees. And the Flushing Town Hall, a once-bustling arts center with an annual operating budget of $2.3 million, is down to a $40,000 budget and no endowment. The venue no longer has the capacity to pay its artists. To combat these losses, New York City should offer an arts venue grant similar to the relief program overseen by the Chicago Department of Cultural Affairs and Special Events. Eligible venues can apply for $10,000 in grants from private donors and the Arts for Illinois Relief Fund. The New York City Department of Cultural Affairs should work with venues and performing artists to create and implement a grant program that can sustain our City’s iconic arts scene.

Do you commit to speak with restaurant and nightlife industry representatives before taking a position on any policies that affect their businesses?

Yes. My leadership as a Council Member will be directed by my communication with stakeholders, including community members, workers, business owners, community organizations, and advocacy groups. When it comes to matters regarding nightlife, I will develop an educated position that incorporates insights from industry representatives. For example, I will reach out to members of the Hospitality Alliance, the New York State Restaurant Alliance, and the Hotel Trades Council.

Will you work to place restaurant, bar and club owners on community boards? Will you commit to not appointing or reappointing community board members who are hostile to food and beverage establishments?

I will appoint restaurant, bar, and club owners to the community board because the community board must have a diversity of membership, and that includes diversity of experience. I would likely prioritize those owners who also live in the community district, but I would not have a hard-and-fast rule. If the past year has taught us anything, it’s that our small business owners -- especially restaurateurs and bar owners -- are a needed voice in our community, and we’ve come to rely on their insights as we craft policies to support small business. I am proud to have been an early champion of outdoor dining and Open Streets, but I couldn't have done it without listening to small business owners. 

If a board member is hostile to food and beverage establishments to the point where it’s an agenda for them -- and they are not open to supporting those establishments ever -- then I don’t think they should be on a community board. Everyone must show flexibility and an open mind. Kneejerk opposition to these vital businesses is not helping our community. 

Now that the cabaret law was repealed do you support amending the zoning resolution to allow patrons to dance at more venues and eliminate the restrictions against dancing?

It’s known that our city over-criminalizes New Yorkers, from sex workers to those experiencing homelessness to those amidst a mental health crisis. However, one form of criminalized behavior is often overlooked: dancing. Even though the cabaret law was repealed, it has little effect on patrons and venue owners without significant reforms to zoning restrictions that prohibit dancing. In fact, it is estimated that only 97 out of NYC’s 25,000 bars will be impacted by the law’s repeal. I will support calls to allow dancing in the few blocks within District 5 zoned for manufacturing and commercial uses, which will respect the wishes of residents living on quieter, residential streets while stimulating business in our local bars and restaurants. (Of course, this assumes Covid restrictions are lifted. But all the more reason to support businesses when those restrictions lift and our economy readies for a rebound.)

Did you oppose the de Blasio/Cuomo proposal (and giveaways) for bringing Amazon’s HQ2 to Long Island City?

I did. I do not support corporate subsidies. Even if those subsidies were contingent on Amazon making certain investments, I think their continued expansion in NYC has proven that they do not require taxpayer largesse to support them. Moreover, we’ve seen in Seattle that Amazon can have an insidious effect on local politics. They have tried to influence the Seattle City Council elections, and they also threatened to move jobs out of Seattle over a proposed corporate wealth tax that would address the homelessness crisis. Corporations who want to come to New York City must be civic-minded, must respect workers, and must respect our political process. 

What role do you believe the local member should play in the approval of development proposals before the Council?

The local member must use every tool at his or her disposal to ensure that new development is equitable, affordable, and appropriate. In my district, we have seen luxury supertall buildings sprout up with no affordable component. In a district where one in five residents are severely rent burdened, the Council Member must fight for affordability -- and to define that affordability at lower levels of Area Median Income. I also think the Council Member should obtain concessions for open space and new school space from developers -- new buildings present an opportunity to build new schools. 

The Council Member must also listen to the community. That requires a transparent process where the developer cooperates and presents to the Community Board and to the relevant neighborhood associations. While these bodies should not be a veto point in the process, their input can help shape proposals for the better and ensure that community concerns are being addressed. Ultimately, the Council Member must do what he or she believes is right, but a process that engages the community almost always results in a better outcome. 

Do you support legislation to prohibit discrimination against formerly incarcerated people in housing?

Yes. The relationship between homelessness and incarceration is cyclical in nature: released or paroled individuals are more likely to become homeless because their criminal records limit their chances of being approved for housing, and individuals experiencing homelessness are more likely to be incarcerated. To end the prison-to-shelter pipeline in NYC, we must eliminate discriminatory policies that hinder formerly incarcerated people on their journey towards safety and stability. We must also acknowledge that discrimination based on criminal records has a more severe effect on Black and Brown communities who are disproportionately targeted by law enforcement and the criminal legal system. As a member of City Council, I will support Intro 2047, or the Fair Chance Housing Act, which will prohibit discrimination in all housing agreements on the basis of one’s criminal record. This will ensure that real estate brokers and landlords are barred from conducting background checks during the application process. 

Do you oppose the removal of the nearly 300 homeless individuals from the Lucerne hotel due to pressure from some local residents?

I completely opposed the calls to remove the individuals being housed at the Lucerne Hotel. The recent decision that allowed the men to stay at the hotel demonstrates that there is substantial support from community members and politicians to deploy our City’s resources to help the most vulnerable. Every night, over eighty thousand New Yorkers sleep in a shelter. Approximately 4,000 more New Yorkers—many of them living with severe mental health or other health issues—sleep in the streets, subway, and other public spaces.  We are failing the growing number of New Yorkers experiencing homelessness. I am committed to using community resources and working with City officials to create more pathways to permanent housing for New Yorkers currently experiencing homelessness.

In District 5, there are no family shelters. There are few community resources designed to support families at risk of homelessness in a district where 19% of households are severely rent-burdened. There are zero NYC/NYS job centers, zero financial literacy programs, zero runaway/ homeless youth services, and zero public health centers. I have been a vocal supporter of the Doe Fund’s efforts in District 5 and am in support of more services, especially new family shelters—either temporary or permanent, in the district.

What proposals will you advocate for to protect immigrants and further New York as a Sanctuary City?

Immigrants to the United States, especially nonwhite immigrants and those that do not speak English, face a mountain of institutional barriers to citizenship from a Department of Homeland Security that is -- and nearly always has been -- actively anti-immigrant. Not only is the process to obtain a green card through USCIS onerous and slow, any involvement at all in the justice system can set a non-citizen on a path to deportation that includes very little regard for due process. ICE actively works to detain and deport nonviolent noncitizens, justifying their actions by claiming that they remove “criminal aliens” that pose a “danger to national security” or a “risk to public safety.” But last year’s public charge rule, as well as ICE’s own policies, demonstrate that that’s simply not true. ICE’s list of deportable crimes (which they label “aggravated felonies”) includes non-violent misdemeanors like possession of marijuana, failure to report a crime, and traffic citations. By classifying low-level offenders as threats to the general public, DHS and ICE can subject any non-citizen to deportation. When we consider that one in three American adults has some form of criminal record, it is absolutely unacceptable that immigrants are subject to such unfair treatment simply because of their immigration status. 

While City officials have no control over DHS and ICE policies, they can limit federal officials’ ability to detain and deport New Yorkers and help speed up the path to citizenship. New York City has long been a city that welcomes immigrants. As a Council member, I’ll support policies that continue to limit NYPD compliance with unconstitutional ICE detainers and information sharing requests. Further, providing easier access to counsel is one of the most important things we can do to encourage people to become citizens and make the process easier. I am proud to live in the first state in the nation that has guaranteed the right to legal representation for all immigrants facing deportation. I support expanding programs like ActionNYC and ensuring that everyone who wants to apply for work permits or citizenship can access the basic legal services necessary to do so free of charge. I believe the City must do whatever it takes to litigate effectively against the Trump Administration’s Public Charge rule, and should provide as much information and guidance as possible to families that are concerned about Public Charge.

Do you support a single-payer universal health care system? Please elaborate on what policy and legislative steps the City can take to expand access and affordability.

I am in complete support of implementing a universal health care system. In order to make our healthcare system truly equitable, we must change the system that currently leaves all the power in the hands of private health insurance companies and private healthcare facilities. Private hospitals can choose to serve only the wealthy, insured patients and send the remaining New Yorkers to public hospitals, creating a two-tiered system. It’s unacceptable that private health insurance companies continue to reap sky-high profits insuring those who can afford coverage (and are least likely to need it) while our government pays for the care of those who can’t afford coverage and need the most costly services. It’s also unacceptable that private and nonprofit hospitals operate inefficiently with none of the scrutiny applied to public hospitals (running up spending on shiny equipment, padding executive salaries, or building new facilities) that in turn increases the cost of care for everyone.

I support passing the New York Health Act, and have supported resolutions at the Community Board urging Albany to pass the Act into law. Health care must be a human right, period. Every New Yorker deserves access to healthcare, but right now, our system values profitability at the expense of patient care. What’s more, Covid-19 exposed the vulnerability of our current fee-for-service model, which relies on expensive elective procedures.  By covering everyone under the same plan, we’d be able to provide everyone with the high-quality primary care they need to promote public health, lower the rates of serious illnesses, and cut individual and systemic costs. Our City should serve as a model at the state and federal level for putting patients before profits. This will drive down costs, cover everyone comprehensively, and bring equity to a system that has been a driver of racial and socioeconomic disparities. It is an economic issue, a health issue, and a moral issue.

Further, NYC Health + Hospitals provides crucial low-cost and no-cost services for those who are uninsured, undocumented, or on Medicaid. As a member of City Council, I will strongly oppose cuts to NYC Health + Hospitals. H+H should be protected and sufficiently funded, as it serves as a safety-net system for all New Yorkers regardless of insurance or immigration status. COVID-19 has made it clear that we must advocate for funding increases, against hospital consolidations and closures, and for policies that address the severe racial disparities in health care, including ensuring that there is universal, unhindered language interpretation in all hospitals. 

I also will advocate for allocating more H+H resources towards inpatient psychiatry beds. Since state- and city-run psychiatric-care beds are in general hospitals, capacity for inpatient psychiatric care has decreased and is unlikely to expand due to the financial burdens facing our city’s hospitals. Currently, New York State is short 4,000 hospital beds for those with serious mental illness. To remedy this, I will fight against the closure of the psychiatry unit at Allen Hospital. Additionally, we must call upon our state legislature to apply for more federal funding for inpatient mental health care.

Who did you support for office in the following primaries or special elections: A) Mayor in 2013 B) Public Advocate in 2013 and 2019, C) President in 2016 and 2020 C) Governor and Attorney General in 2018?

In 2013 I supported Bill de Blasio for Mayor and Letitia James for Public Advocate. In 2016 and 2020 I supported Bernie Sanders in the primaries and Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden in the general. In 2018 I supported Cynthia Nixon for Governor and Zephyr Teachout for Attorney General. 

Top 3 issues you aim to address locally and legislatively

My top three priorities are affordable housing, small business/workers’ rights, and transit.

Affordable Housing

Housing is a human right. 1.3 million households are severely rent-burdened, including 62% of low-income residents in District 5. Only 8.8% of rental units are affordable at 80% of area median income. We must aggressively reform how we build housing in NYC, starting with comprehensive planning that engages communities while ensuring we build housing in whiter, wealthier neighborhoods. There are 92,785, affordable housing units in District 5, 17.3% of which is subsidized housing, 21.4% is rent-stabilized, and 1.5% is public housing.

  Currently, far too much development is as-of-right. This has resulted in luxury apartment buildings that do not actually include affordable housing—or much housing density period. I support changes to zoning and land-use that require substantial affordability requirements. We must legalize accessory dwelling units, expand the basement apartment program, and support modern, decent SROs. We must close loopholes that developers exploit, and push Albany for a 21st Century Mitchell-Lama program.

  I support transferring public land into Community Land Trusts. I also support expanded right to counsel, having seen the need for it first-hand when I represented a NYCHA tenant and won more than forty repairs. My client was fortunate to have a lawyer — countless others are not so lucky. Our neighbors, particularly low-income New Yorkers, have been targeted and harassed by landlords for too long. We know that more than 80% of tenants with a housing lawyer are able to remain in their homes in the face of eviction. The “Right to Counsel” law has been a success, yet the income threshold to qualify for this protection is so low that if you make the $15 minimum wage you do not qualify. Now we must fully fund it, triple the Right to Counsel income threshold to 600% of the federal poverty level, and expand the law to cover all types of eviction cases and other types of housing litigation. 

Small Businesses and Workers’ Rights 

In 2017 there were 11 million square feet of retail vacancies, double the number from 2007. The 10021 zip code on the Upper East Side has the second-most vacant square footage in the entire city. Since the pandemic started, there have been roughly 2 storefront vacancies per block between 60th street and 90th street in District 5. 

Mom and pop small businesses make our communities stronger, and we lose a piece of our character with each eviction and empty storefront. I support a vacancy tax on landlords who try to keep their storefronts empty in hopes of landing a deep-pocketed tenant at the expense of our small businesses. I believe that the City needs to establish a program of financial support for “legacy” small businesses—those non-chain stores that have been in neighborhoods for ten years or more—to shore up small businesses in need.

  We must reduce the Commercial Rent Tax, support the Small Business Jobs Survival Act, and reform onerous and redundant regulations. I support state legislation to require insurance companies to apply business interruption insurance provisions to COVID-19. I will also establish a Small Business Advisory Board on the Upper East Side and Roosevelt Island.

  We must protect and support MWBEs and immigrant-owned businesses, including by passing Intro. 1116 to reform New York City’s outdated and unjust street vending system and lift a decades-long cap on permits. 2.9% of District 5’s population are service workers, amounting to a few thousand essential workers; as the backbone of our mid-pandemic workforce, I believe all essential employees are entitled to hazard pay and we must support workers excluded from federal Covid relief.

Transit

Our transit system fails our most vulnerable and our planet: it causes 28% of Citywide GHG emissions, 89.6% of which is from on-road private vehicles.

  I’ll prioritize sustainable transit development. We need a comprehensive network of bike lanes throughout the City—for commuters, for leisure, for delivery cyclists. I support expanding Fair Fares and ADA subway compliance and making mass transit more reliable citywide. The DOT should pursue its original plan for a car-free Fifth Avenue Busway, which serves 110,000 riders and 41 bus routes from all five boroughs. We must push DOT to create and implement a “streets safety master plan” that reduces emissions and promotes mass transit and the use of no-emissions transportation. We should create an all-electric bus fleet, expand the subway and ferry, and create busways. And we must reform how we built e-commerce distribution centers as of right, and cut down on the thousands of truck trips that congest our streets and our atmosphere. I support changing zoning in this respect, and also encouraging cargo-bikes and smaller vehicles for distributing goods.

Mayor de Blasio has indicated his intent to call a third Charter Revision Commission, what additional reforms would you support to 1) the budget process, 2) the land use process, and 3) the powers and duties of municipal offices?

1) Budget process

The City should make information about the status and estimated costs of capital projects more transparent. This will ensure that the capital budget doesn’t misallocate funds due to outdated reports on a capital project’s needs. The Charter Revision Commission should require City Council to expand existing tools and create new methods to guarantee the capital budget’s accountability and transparency. For example, the City could extend the Parks Department's Capital Project Tracker to other city agencies. 

2) Land use process

The City must ensure that proposed developments from public and private developers align with the City’s long-term goals, such as increasing the affordable housing stock, becoming carbon neutral, and creating new jobs with fair labor practices. The Charter Revision Commission should propose that all land use applicants submit a Statement of Alignment, detailing how the proposed zoning will complement or conflict with the City’s vision. The statements should address the rezoning’s alignment, or lack thereof, with the applicable community district’s Adopted Preferred Land Use Scenario as well as the District Level Targets. The statements can be included in the ULURP process by being provided to the public, Community Boards, Borough Presidents, and Council Members. Once the ULURP process ends, and if the project is deemed to align with the City’s long-term goals, then the rezoning can move ahead. 

3) Powers and duties of municipal officers

Regarding the NYPD Commissioner, the City should take away the Mayor’s power of appointment and implement a thorough review process and confirmation hearing, which will be conducted by City Council. Due to City Council’s lack of involvement in the appointment process, constituents have little say when it comes to the NYPD Commissioner. These measures will ensure that New Yorkers can choose a Commissioner who will prioritize their safety and take steps to advance law enforcement and criminal justice reforms. 

Please explain your vision for the present powers of the office you are seeking and how you intend to exercise them?

My vision is straightforward: we need a New Deal for New York. We need leaders who will take charge against the affordability crisis, climate change, persistent inequality, and systemic racism. We need a government that invests in public transit, public schools, and open space. A government that builds truly affordable housing. A government that supports the small businesses that are the beating heart of our community. A government that embraces climate justice not as a slogan, but as an imperative for survival. A government that seeks to reverse the systemic racism and bigotry that have poisoned our politics for too long. I know what it’s going to take to bring equity to this City, and I pledge to leverage the powers of the office in pursuit of social, racial, economic, and climate justice. 

I will use the City Council budget authority to ensure the City invests in underserved communities and will reject budget proposals that limit social service spending or promote the privatization of public resources. Most importantly, we must make drastic reforms to the NYPD budget in order to support community-based, culturally-competent resources that can significantly improve the wellbeing and public safety of New Yorkers. 

I will also implement the practice of participatory budgeting. I believe it is essential to allow District 5 constituents to influence the way their tax dollars are spent in the community. I will continue Council Member Kallos’ yearlong process of canvassing, hosting public meetings, and holding a community vote to ensure I produce transparent capital expense budget requests that support the direst infrastructure needs in District 5.  Additionally, I will work with the Mayor’s Office of Contract Services to extend discretionary contracts from the Council to human service nonprofits in the District. Many of these contracts have been delayed due to COVID-19, leaving staff unpaid and organizations without the funds necessary to provide crucial services. Council Members have direct authority when it comes to funding for nonprofits, and I will use this power to prioritize the funding of community-based nonprofits as alternatives to larger city agencies like the NYPD, NYC Health + Hospitals, and the Department of Corrections. 

Moreover, I will use the Council’s oversight function to ensure our city’s institutions are working for all New Yorkers, not just the most privileged ones. For example, I will urge city hospitals to expand inpatient psychiatric units, pressure the DOE to provide students with virtual learning technology, and ensure the Department of Corrections eliminates all unethical forms of incarceration. These are just a few ways in which City Council oversight can guarantee that NYC agencies are working for all of us. 

Further, I will use the City Council’s land use authority to prioritize the rezoning of wealthier, whiter neighborhoods in favor of affordable housing. The dissimilarity indices in NYC have largely remained the same since 1980, and Black-White, Latino-White, and Asian-White segregation allow New York to be ranked among the most residentially segregated cities in the nation. This is a result of ingrained systemic racism in land use policies. High-income, predominantly white neighborhoods in NYC have the most restrictive land use practices that limit the size and type of property allowed, which add to the City’s housing shortage and drive up prices in these neighborhoods. As a member of City Council, I will fight against exclusionary housing policies by promoting mandatory affordable units and upzoning. 

Finally, I will ensure that my choices as a Council Member are completely driven by the community, and I will work hard to form strong relationships with local residents, small business owners, advocacy groups, and community organizations. I will have a district office that is responsive, respectful, and effective. I pledge that any constituent request receives a response within 24 hours. I will also continue Council Member Kallos’ excellent, transparent, and accessible practice of hosting constituents for “First Fridays” and policy nights, and will expand that with monthly constituent meetings on Roosevelt Island and regular constituent office hours on Zoom for those who cannot make in-person meetings.

Do you commit to working with Jim Owles during your campaign and while in office? What role can the club and the progressive LGBT community play in holding you accountable?

Yes, I would welcome the opportunity to work with the club during my campaign and while I’m in office. The club can hold me accountable by first making sure I am staying true to the answers I’ve given in this questionnaire. The club should feel welcome to weigh in on legislative and other decisions -- Allen has my cell and I know he won’t hesitate to call it, but everyone should feel free to text, call, or email me anytime. I also commit to being present at club events and accessible to all club members. Our elected officials cannot do their jobs surrounded by people who always say “yes.” We need to be held accountable, and told where we’re getting it wrong. It is a required part of our political ecosystem, and I will be very disappointed if the club is not letting me hear it when they disagree with me or when they think I am not pushing the envelope enough! 

If you receive the endorsement, do you agree to identify the club on all literature and electronic materials where you list endorsements?

Yes, I would be proud and honored to identify the club on all campaign literature.

What additional information would you like Jim Owles to consider when we are making our endorsement decisions?

I have long-admired Jim Owles’ commitment to progressive causes and fearless advocacy. But I also want to say how grateful I am for the club as a force in LGBTQ+ politics. These issues are personal to me -- not just as bisexual person, but as the brother of a transgender man who I’ve seen face a horrifying level of discrimination. What my brother has had to go through, and the lengths we still have to go to build a truly equal, understanding society, keep me fired up to fight for justice in this country. It’s partly why I’ve litigated cases for LGBTQ+ people -- from asylum cases to litigating against discriminatory laws -- and it’s why I’m going to continue to fight for civil rights and justice.